⌚ Rhetorical Analysis: Church Vs. States

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Rhetorical Analysis: Church Vs. States

Associated Press. August Rhetorical Analysis: Church Vs. States, United States Maxwell v. Further information: The Marble Chop Rhetorical Analysis in literature and media. The lack of a sufficiently Rhetorical Analysis: Church Vs. States central government was apparent to leaders such as George Washington and James Rhetorical Analysis: Church Vs. States. Procedural justice.

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Historians have studied the motivations for anti-Catholicism. The historian Arthur M. Schlesinger Sr. The historian Joseph G. Mannard says that wars reduced anti-Catholicism: "enough Catholics supported the War for Independence to erase many old myths about the inherently treasonable nature of Catholicism. During the Civil War the heavy enlistments of Irish and Germans into the Union Army helped to dispel notions of immigrant and Catholic disloyalty. In politics, conservative Catholics and Evangelicals joined on conservative social and cultural issues , such as opposition to gay marriage —in , the Republican coalition included almost half of Catholics and a large majority of white evangelicals.

American Anti-Catholicism has its origins in the Reformation. Because the Reformation was based on an effort to correct what was perceived as the errors and excesses of the Catholic Church, its proponents formed strong positions against the Roman clerical hierarchy in general and the Papacy in particular. These positions were held by most Protestant spokesmen in the colonies, including those from Calvinist , Anglican and Lutheran traditions. Furthermore, English, Scottish and Scots-Irish identity to a large extent was based on opposition to Catholicism. Many of the English colonists, such as the Puritans and Congregationalists , were fleeing religious persecution by the Church of England whose doctrines and modes of worship were firmly rooted in the Catholic Church.

Because of this, much of early American religious culture exhibited the more extreme anti-Catholic bias of these Protestant denominations. John Tracy Ellis wrote that a "universal anti-Catholic bias was brought to Jamestown in and vigorously cultivated in all the thirteen colonies from Massachusetts to Georgia. Ellis noted that a common hatred of the Roman Catholic Church could bring together Anglican and Puritan clergy and laity despite their many other disagreements. In , the Colony of Virginia enacted a law prohibiting Catholic settlers. Five years later, a similar statute was enacted by the Massachusetts Bay Colony.

In the Act of Toleration was passed in Maryland , where "blasphemy and the calling of opprobrious religious names" became punishable offenses, but it was repealed in and thus Catholics were outlawed once again. By , formerly Catholic Maryland overthrew its Government, established the Church of England by law, and forced Catholics to pay heavy taxes towards its support. They were cut off from all participation in politics and additional laws were introduced that outlawed the Mass , the Church's Sacraments , and Catholic schools see Protestant Revolution in Maryland. In , Rhode Island imposed civil restrictions on Catholics, such as denial of suffrage.

John Adams attended Vespers on a Sunday afternoon at a Catholic church in Philadelphia one day in He praised the sermon for teaching civic duty, and enjoyed the music, but ridiculed the rituals engaged in by the parishioners. Once the Revolution was underway and independence was at hand, Virginia, Pennsylvania, and Maryland passed acts of religious toleration in He believed religion was an important support for public order, morality and virtue.

He often attended services of different denominations. He suppressed anti-Catholic celebrations in the Army. The Patriot reliance on Catholic France for military, financial and diplomatic aid led to a sharp drop in anti-Catholic rhetoric. Indeed, the King of England replaced the pope as the demon patriots had to fight against. By the s, Catholics were extended legal toleration in all of the New England states that previously had been so hostile, and the anti-Catholic tradition of Pope Night was discontinued.

It was a great commercial success and is still circulated today by such publishers as Jack Chick. It was discovered to be a fabrication shortly after publication. Numerous ex-priests and ex-nuns were on the anti-Catholic lecture circuit with lurid tales, always involving heterosexual contacts of adults—priests and nuns with dead babies buried in the basement. Anti-Catholicism reached a peak in the mid nineteenth century when Protestant leaders became alarmed by the heavy influx of Catholic immigrants from Ireland and Germany.

In the s and s, prominent Protestant leaders, such as Lyman Beecher and Horace Bushnell , attacked the Catholic Church, not just by accusing it of being theologically unsound, they also accused it of being an enemy of the government's values. Beecher's well-known Plea for the West urged Protestants to exclude Catholics from western settlements. The Catholic Church's official silence on the subject of slavery also garnered the enmity of northern Protestants. The resulting "nativist" movement, which acquired prominence in the s, was whipped into a frenzy of anti-Catholicism which led to mob violence, the burning of Catholic property, and the killing of Catholics.

Irish Catholic immigrants were blamed for spreading violence and drunkenness. The nativist movement found its voice in the Know-Nothing Party of the s, a national political movement which unsuccessfully ran former president Millard Fillmore as its presidential candidate in Catholic schools began in the United States as a matter of religious and ethnic pride and as a way to insulate Catholic youth from the influence of Protestant teachers and contact with non-Catholic students. Blaine of Maine proposed an amendment to the US Constitution in that provided: "No money raised by taxation in any State for the support of public schools, or derived from any public source, nor any public lands devoted thereto, shall ever be under the control of any religious sect, nor shall any money so raised or land so devoted be divided between religious sects or denominations.

Grant supported the Blaine Amendment. He feared a future with "patriotism and intelligence on one side and superstition, ambition and greed on the other" and called for public schools that would be "unmixed with atheistic, pagan or sectarian teaching. These state-level "Blaine amendments" prohibit the use of public funds to fund parochial schools. The number of immigrant Catholics increased in the United States. This created Government officials to be distraught by the increased immigrant Catholics.

This unease was typified by the statement of Rev. Samuel D. Burchard stating that "We don't propose to leave our party and identify ourselves with those whose antecedents have been rum, Romanism, and rebellion. A new appreciation of Catholicism appeared in the early 20th century that tended to neutralize anti-Catholic sentiments, especially in the Far West where Protestantism was a weak force. In California local boosters celebrated the history of Spanish Franciscan missions. They not only preserved old missions which had been inactive since the s but began appealing to tourists with a romantic mission story.

The mission style became popular for public schools and non-Catholic colleges. In the Philippines, American government officials, journalists, and popular writers celebrated the Catholic missionary efforts that had transformed a "pagan" land, arguing that Filipino Catholic faith and clerical authority could aid in economic and cultural development. He gave a speech at the Catholic University of Notre Dame in Indiana in , and praised the "enterprise, courage, and fidelity to duty that distinguished those heroes of Spain who braved the then frightful dangers of the deep to carry Christianity and European civilization into the far-off Orient. Anti-Catholic sentiment was popular enough that The Menace , a weekly newspaper with a virulently anti-Catholic stance, was founded in and quickly reached a nationwide circulation of 1.

Anti-Catholicism was widespread in the s; anti-Catholics, including the Ku Klux Klan , believed that Catholicism was incompatible with democracy and that parochial schools encouraged separatism and kept Catholics from becoming loyal Americans. The Catholics responded to such prejudices by repeatedly asserting their rights as American citizens and by arguing that they, not the nativists anti-Catholics , were true patriots since they believed in the right to freedom of religion. Two weeks after it opened, the Ku Klux Klan burned a cross in front of the church. The shooter was Rev. Stephenson , a Southern Methodist Episcopal minister. Several months before the wedding, Ruth had enraged her father by converting to Roman Catholicism. In Alabama, Hugo Black was elected to the U.

Senate in after he had built a political base in part through his delivery of speeches at local Klan gatherings, where his focus was the denunciation of Catholicism. For example, Christianity Today editorialized that, "Black's advocacy of church-state separation, in turn, found its roots in the fierce anti-Catholicism of the Masons and the Ku Klux Klan Black was a Kladd of the Klavern, or an initiator of new members, in his home state of Alabama in the early s. Hamburger argues that his views on the need for separation of Church and State were deeply tainted by his membership in the Ku Klux Klan, a vehemently anti-Catholic organization. The law unofficially became known as the Oregon School Law. The citizens' initiative was primarily aimed at eliminating parochial schools , including Catholic schools.

In Pierce v. Society of Sisters , the United States Supreme Court declared the Oregon's Compulsory Education Act unconstitutional in a ruling that has been called "the Magna Carta of the parochial school system. The Klan collapsed in the mids. It had been denounced by most newspapers and had few prominent defenders. It was disgraced by scandals at high levels and weakened by its pyramid scheme system whereby organizers collected fees and then abandoned local chapters. By only a few small local chapters survived. No later national nativist organization ever achieved even a tiny fraction of the Klan membership. In , Democrat Al Smith became the first Roman Catholic to gain a major party's nomination for president, and his religion became an issue during the campaign.

His nomination made anti-Catholicism a rallying point especially for Lutheran and Southern Baptist ministers. They warned that national autonomy would be threatened because Smith would be listening not to the American people but to secret orders from the pope. There were rumors the pope would move to the United States to control his new realm. Across the country, and especially in strongholds of the Lutheran, Baptist and Fundamentalist churches, Protestant ministers spoke out. They seldom endorsed Republican Herbert Hoover , who was a Quaker. More often they alleged Smith was unacceptable. A survey of 8, Southern Methodist ministers found only four who publicly supported Smith.

Many Americans who sincerely rejected bigotry and the Klan justified their opposition to Smith because they believed the Catholic Church was an "un-American" and "alien" culture that opposed freedom and democracy. Clarence Reinhold Tappert. It warned about "the peculiar relation in which a faithful Catholic stands and the absolute allegiance he owes to a 'foreign sovereign' who does not only 'claim' supremacy also in secular affairs as a matter of principle and theory but who, time and again, has endeavored to put this claim into practical operation.

He was weakest in the border states; the day after Smith gave a talk pleaded for brotherhood in Oklahoma City, the same auditorium was jammed for an evangelist who lectured on "Al Smith and the Forces of Hell. Efforts by Senator Tom Heflin to recycle his long-standing attacks on the pope failed in Alabama. Smith carried most of the Deep South—the area long identified with anti-Catholicism-although losing the periphery. After , the Solid South returned to the Democratic fold. The nation's twelve largest cities gave pluralities of 1. Roosevelt assembled and which dominated national elections for decades.

President Franklin D. Roosevelt depended heavily in his four elections on the Catholic vote and the enthusiasm of Irish machines in major cities such as Boston, Philadelphia, Chicago, and New York. Catholic radio priest Charles Coughlin supported FDR in , but broke with him in and made weekly attacks. Kennedy, Sr. In foreign policy the Catholics demanded American neutrality regarding the Spanish Civil War , and were joined by isolationists. The second most serious issue arose with the renewed anti-Catholic campaign in Mexico.

American Catholics bitterly attacked Ambassador Josephus Daniels for failing to combat the virulent attacks on the Catholic Church by the Mexican government. For the same reason he supported the Loyalist cause in the Spanish Civil War, which was even more intensely anti-Catholic. The main issue was the government's efforts to shut down Catholic schools in Mexico; Daniels publicly approved the attacks, and saluted virulently anti-Catholic Mexican politicians. In a July speech at the American Embassy, Daniels praised the anti-Catholic efforts led by former president Calles :.

General Calles sees, as Jefferson saw, that no people can be both free and ignorant. Therefore, he and President Rodriguez, President-elect Cairdenas and all forward-looking leaders are placing public education as the paramount duty of the country. They all recognize that General Calles issued a challenge that goes to the very root of the settlement of all problems of tomorrow when he said: "We must enter and take possession of the mind of childhood, the mind of youth. In , Senator William Borah of Idaho, the chief Republican specialist on foreign policy, called for a Senate investigation of anti-Catholic government policies in Mexico. He came under a barrage of attacks from leading Protestant organizations, including the Federal Council of Churches, the Episcopal Church, and the board of foreign missions of the Methodist Church.

There was no Senate investigation. A call for an investigation signed by members of the House was blocked by Roosevelt. The Knights of Columbus began attacking Roosevelt. The crisis ended with Mexico turning away from the Calles hard line policies, perhaps in response to Daniels' backstage efforts. Roosevelt easily won all the Catholic strongholds in his landslide. World War II was the decisive event that brought religious tolerance to the front in American life. Bruscino says "the military had developed personnel policies that actively and completely mixed America's diverse white ethnic and religious population.

The sudden removal from the comforts of home, the often degrading and humiliating experiences of military life, and the unit- and friendship-building of training leveled the man the activities meant to fill time support of in the military reminded the man of all they had in common as Americans. Under fire, the men survived by leaning on buddies, regardless of their ethnicity or religion. Brucino says that they used their positions of power "to increase ethnic and religious tolerance. The sea change in ethnic and religious relations in the United States came from the military experience in World War II.

The war remade the nation. The nation was forged in war. At the elite level, tolerance of Catholicism was more problematic. Henry A. Wallace , Roosevelt's vice-president in —45, did not go public with his anti-Catholicism, but he often expounded it in his diary, especially during and after World War II. He briefly attended a Catholic church in the s, and was disillusioned by what he perceived to be the intellectual straitjacket of Thomism. Eleanor Roosevelt , the president's widow, and other New Deal liberals who were fighting Irish-dominated Democratic parties, feuded publicly with Church leaders on national policy. They accused her of being anti-Catholic. In July , Roosevelt had a public disagreement with Francis Joseph Spellman , the Catholic Archbishop of New York, which was characterized as "a battle still remembered for its vehemence and hostility".

Spellman cited the Supreme Court's decision which upheld such provisions, accusing her of anti-Catholicism. Most Democrats rallied behind Roosevelt, and Spellman eventually met with her at her Hyde Park home to quell the dispute. However, Roosevelt maintained her belief that Catholic schools should not receive federal aid, evidently heeding the writings of secularists such as Paul Blanshard. During the Spanish Civil War in the late s, Eleanor Roosevelt favored the republican Loyalists against General Francisco Franco 's Nationalists; after , she opposed normalizing relations with Spain.

Roosevelt's biographer Joseph P. Lash denies that she was anti-Catholic, citing her public support of Al Smith , a Catholic, in the presidential campaign and her statement to a New York Times reporter that year quoting her uncle, President Theodore Roosevelt, in expressing "the hope to see the day when a Catholic or a Jew would become president". He stated that the Church was an "undemocratic system of alien control" in which the lay were chained by the "absolute rule of the clergy. Clark was forced to withdraw his nomination on January 13, , following protests from Texas Senator Tom Connally and Protestant groups. In the s prejudices against Catholics could still be heard from some Protestant ministers, but national leaders increasingly tried to build up a common front against communism and stressed the common values shared by Protestants, Catholics and Jews.

Leaders like Dwight D. Eisenhower emphasized how Judeo-Christian values were a central component of American national identity. A key factor that affected the vote for and against John F. Kennedy in his campaign for the presidency of the United States was his Catholic faith. Catholics mobilized and gave Kennedy from 75 to 80 percent of their votes. Many established Evangelical groups were mobilized. Graham pushed hard against Kennedy, keeping Nixon informed of his progress.

To allay such Protestant fears, Kennedy kept his distance from Catholic church officials and in a highly publicized speech told the Protestant ministers of the Greater Houston Ministerial Association on September 12, , "I am not the Catholic candidate for President. I am the Democratic Party's candidate for President who also happens to be a Catholic. I do not speak for my Church on public matters — and the Church does not speak for me. Kennedy counterattacked by suggesting that it was bigotry to relegate one-quarter of all Americans to second-class citizenship just because they were Catholic. In the final count, the additions and subtractions to Kennedy's vote because of religion probably canceled out. He won a close election; The New York Times reported a "narrow consensus" among the experts that Kennedy had won more than he lost as a result of his Catholicism, [70] as Catholics flocked to Kennedy to demonstrate their group solidarity in demanding political equality.

Concern about Catholic power and influence did not disappear with Kennedy's victory in Many Protestants would not take the Democratic candidate at his word. That was still apparent in and as the Kennedy Administration navigated treacherous issues like federal aid to education and Peace Corps contracts. Only gradually, by living up to his campaign pledges, could the president appease fears about the Catholic Church's role in politics. The Second Council of the Vatican and the sense that the Church was reforming itself also helped diminish bigotry.

The rise of more pressing issues - the campaign for racial equality and the Vietnam War - and the prospect of new political alliances had the same effect. Anti-Catholicism did not undermine William E. Miller 's vice-presidential bid in or Robert Kennedy 's campaign for the Democratic presidential nomination in After the United States presidential election , the historic tensions between evangelical Protestants and Catholics faded dramatically. Both groups held tightly to traditional moral values and opposed secularization. Ronald Reagan was especially popular among both evangelicals and ethnic Catholics known as Reagan Democrats. By the Republican coalition included about half the Catholics and a large majority of white evangelicals.

In The New York Times warned the Catholic bishops that if they followed the church's instructions and denied communion to politicians who advocated a pro-choice position regarding abortion they would be "imposing a test of religious loyalty" that might jeopardize "the truce of tolerance by which Americans maintain civility and enlarge religious liberty". The time was now, they were done waiting for change instead they were going to make it happen on their own terms by creating tension that would force them to confront the issue.

Throughout his letter he brings forward the injustices of just vs. The prejudices of the white moderate who say they agree with the goal they seek of freedom but cannot agree with their methods of direct actions. These themes of injustice were the push for his plan of direct action as he states and supports each theme with clear and factual evidence. How it works. He then continues to address them in his introduction with respect and a cordial tone. He makes this statement to show he is not an outsider but presents himself as an insider, as he is the president of the conference. He is informed about the crisis going on in Birmingham as he has a chapter in their state and was invited there to help fight the discrimination.

Showing that he takes the cultural ideas of him and his followers very seriously and is there to fight for them. Martin Luther King also establishes ethos throughout his letter by outlining his own culture of religious ancestors and deliberating his own church leadership. He Compares his fight for freedom with the Apostle Paul and the prophets fight for the gospel of Jesus Christ. Martin Luther King then backs up his view of just and unjust laws with many political figures who set laws that were made to be broken for the rights of the people that faced injustices. As King is just following the path of his ministerial ancestors. King also uses serious logical arguments throughout his letter as well, his letter states the facts of the situation going on in front of them in a way the clergymen failed to do.

Each one of the arguments put onward by the clergymen MLK put down and refuted with facts that were undeniable. Its ugly record of brutality is widely known. Negroes have experienced grossly unjust treatment in the courts. There have been more unsolved bombings of Negro homes and churches in Birmingham than in any other city in the nation. After stating the racial injustices that have been going on for too long he continues to logically reply to the question asked Why direct action? As King states that just laws should be followed, and unjust laws should be openly disobeyed. In order to get people to agree with him on just vs. He does this by describing just and unjust laws from multiple different angles, in ways the reader could relate to.

This puts it in perspective making it hard for the reader to refute. This passage in the letter shows the clergymen the two different sides. Showing that even if he remained unbiased that the black community would have acted regardless, and that the nonviolent action could very well have turned violent without the help of his organization. Martian Luther King was also good at incorporating strong pathos into his letter. He made the reader sympathize with what the black people were going through on a day to day basis. He painted a picture of the violence they faced, the injustices, and brutality they had to endure. He uses such intense words in this short sentence that really just leaves a picture in your mind.

Not only does he describe the brutality given by the cops he also describes the injustices done by the people and the community. He continues to go on and on about the things they go through every day. This excerpt is strong appealing to the emotions of parents as no mom or dad would ever want their kids to feel that pain and carry it with them. He is also telling them this needs to be stopped and can be with the next generation. MLK also includes many metaphors in the letter to create that image in the readers mind and to make important arguments.

He used numerous examples of sad and heart aching pathos, he did it to get his point across, making the white moderates feel what it was like to live in the life of a colored person. Some may say Martian Luther King could persuade anyone and anything, by the choice of his words and how he made them flow together.

Even if you just tackle a couple Rhetorical Analysis: Church Vs. States essays then Rhetorical Analysis: Church Vs. States least you will have started to develop a thinking process that will help you to set out arguments logically, utilise important quotes and time yourself against the clock. Article III of the Constitution the " Case or Controversy clause " forbids Rhetorical Analysis: Church Vs. States leadership strengths and weaknesses do not themselves have a real Rhetorical Analysis: Church Vs. States personal "particularized" complaint Rhetorical Analysis: Church Vs. States filing a case or appeal in a federal court. Rip Van Winkle: Washington Irvings National Mythology : Rhetorical Analysis: Church Vs. States, 'suffering', Solitude In Frankenstein of hope' to invoke sympathy. Contention : Methods must be Rhetorical Analysis: Church Vs. States, 'better solution must be Rhetorical Analysis: Church Vs. States. Archived from the Rhetorical Analysis: Church Vs. States on February 27, Rhetorical Analysis: Church Vs. States This site is brought to you by the Center for Civic Education. It was Carmena, every nerve of her loyal nature on the alert to baffle this pursuer of Alessandro and Ramona.

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