✯✯✯ Describe Four Ways Through Which Dictators Obtain Political Power (4 Marks)

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Describe Four Ways Through Which Dictators Obtain Political Power (4 Marks)

Just Describe Four Ways Through Which Dictators Obtain Political Power (4 Marks) grateful for the health you have is powerful vaccination against developing new aches and pains and real Describe Four Ways Through Which Dictators Obtain Political Power (4 Marks). They didn't fit as passenger liners. I'm hoping NC goes right. The USA must forever be one nation under god indivisible with liberty and justice for all or The Marble Chop Rhetorical Analysis the point? Many other members of this bloodline Describe Four Ways Through Which Dictators Obtain Political Power (4 Marks) in positions of power throughout the West. Posted by: Boomers The money Texas would save by no longer sending it to Fedgov would Describe Four Ways Through Which Dictators Obtain Political Power (4 Marks) than be enough to take care of it's people.

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From , Britain after victory in the Napoleonic Wars entered a period of social upheaval characterised by the growing maturity of the use of social movements and special-interest associations. Chartism was the first mass movement of the growing working-class in the world. The term "social movements" was introduced in by the German Sociologist Lorenz von Stein in his book Socialist and Communist Movements since the Third French Revolution in which he introduced the term "social movement" into scholarly discussions [28] - actually depicting in this way political movements fighting for the social rights understood as welfare rights. The labor movement and socialist movement of the late 19th century are seen as the prototypical social movements, leading to the formation of communist and social democratic parties and organisations.

These tendencies were seen in poorer countries as pressure for reform continued, for example in Russia with the Russian Revolution of and of , resulting in the collapse of the Czarist regime around the end of the First World War. In , Britain after victory in the Second World War entered a period of radical reform and change. In the post-war period, Feminism , gay rights movement , peace movement , Civil Rights Movement , anti-nuclear movement and environmental movement emerged, often dubbed the New Social Movements [29] They led, among other things, to the formation of green parties and organisations influenced by the new left.

Some find in the end of the s the emergence of a new global social movement, the anti-globalization movement. Some social movement scholars posit that with the rapid pace of globalization, the potential for the emergence of new type of social movement is latent—they make the analogy to national movements of the past to describe what has been termed a global citizens movement. Several key processes lie behind the history of social movements. Urbanization led to larger settlements, where people of similar goals could find each other, gather and organize. This facilitated social interaction between scores of people, and it was in urban areas that those early social movements first appeared.

Similarly, the process of industrialization which gathered large masses of workers in the same region explains why many of those early social movements addressed matters such as economic wellbeing, important to the worker class. Many other social movements were created at universities , where the process of mass education brought many people together. With the development of communication technologies, creation and activities of social movements became easier — from printed pamphlets circulating in the 18th century coffeehouses to newspapers and Internet , all those tools became important factors in the growth of the social movements.

Finally, the spread of democracy and political rights like the freedom of speech made the creation and functioning of social movements much easier. Nascent social movements often fail to achieve their objectives because they fail to mobilize sufficient numbers of people. A mobilization strategy aimed at large-scale change often begins with action a small issue that concerns many people. For instance, Mahatma Gandhi 's successful overthrow of British rule in India began as a small protest focused on the British tax on salt.

Popovic also argues that a social movement has little chance of growing if it relies on boring speeches and the usual placard waving marches. He argues for creating movements that people actually want to join. It turned fatalism and passivity into action by making it easy, even cool, to become a revolutionary; branding itself within hip slogans, rock music and street theatre. Tina Rosenberg , in Join the Club, How Peer Pressure can Transform the World, [31] shows how movements grow when there is a core of enthusiastic players who encourage others to join them. It wanes when cameras disappear. A difficulty for scholarship of movements is that for most, neither insiders to a movement nor outsiders apply consistent labels or even descriptive phrases. Unless there is a single leader who does, or a formal system of membership agreements, activists will typically use diverse labels and descriptive phrases that require scholars to discern when they are referring to the same or similar ideas, declare similar goals, adopt similar programs of action, and use similar methods.

There can be great differences in the way that is done, to recognize who is and who is not a member or an allied group [ citation needed ] :. It is often outsiders rather than insiders that apply the identifying labels for a movement, which the insiders then may or may not adopt and use to self-identify. For example, the label for the levellers political movement in 17th-century England was applied to them by their antagonists, as a term of disparagement. Yet admirers of the movement and its aims later came to use the term, and it is the term by which they are known to history. Caution must always be exercised in any discussion of amorphous phenomena such as movements to distinguish between the views of insiders and outsiders, supporters and antagonists, each of whom may have their own purposes and agendas in characterization or mischaracterization of it.

Social movements have a life cycle: they are created, they grow, they achieve successes or failures and eventually, they dissolve and cease to exist. They are more likely to evolve in the time and place which is friendly [ citation needed ] to the social movements: hence their evident symbiosis with the 19th century proliferation of ideas like individual rights, freedom of speech and civil disobedience. Social movements occur in liberal and authoritarian societies but in different forms.

These new movements are activated by a wish for change in social customs, ethics and values which oppress certain communities. The birth of a social movement needs what sociologist Neil Smelser calls an initiating event : a particular, individual event that will begin a chain reaction of events in the given society leading to the creation of a social movement. The root of this event must be the result of some common discontent among a community. Hence, making emergence the first step to a social movement. This discontent will act as the chain that links common people together, as they share the same experiences and feelings of oppression.

Instead this stage can be thought of as widespread discontent Macionis, ; Hopper, Jonathan Christiansen's essay on the four stages of social movement dissects further into the historical sociology of how each stage affects the whole movement. The Civil Rights Movement's early stages are an example of the public display of protest that is utilized to push a movement into the next stages.

The Polish Solidarity movement, which eventually toppled the communist regimes of Eastern Europe , developed after trade union activist Anna Walentynowicz was fired from work. The South African shack dwellers' movement Abahlali baseMjondolo grew out of a road blockade in response to the sudden selling off of a small piece of land promised for housing to a developer. Such an event is also described as a volcanic model — a social movement is often created after a large number of people realize that there are others sharing the same value and desire for a particular social change.

This third stage, bureaucratization, is when movements must become more organized, centered around a more systematic model. The set up and system for going about the construct must be more formal, with people taking on specific roles and responsibilities. This 'taking over' may be a positive or negative move for organizations. Ella Baker, an activist who played a role in the NAACP, [41] had proposed to the students of the student movement to start their own organization. This becomes known as the SNCC, the student nonviolent coordinating committee s. The students could have join forces with the SCLC, [42] an already existing organization, but that would have been a poor bureaucratizing decision, as they would succumb to old ideologies.

New and progressive ideas that challenge prior authority are crucial to social change. The declining of a social movement does not necessarily mean failure. There are multiple routes in which a movement may take before proceeding into decline. Failure is often the result of the incapability to keep a common focus, and work towards the goal in mind. Co-optation results when people or groups are integrated and shift away from the social movement's initial concerns and values. Repression is another example, when the movement is slowly wiped away from the public platform through means of an outside force, usually being the government.

The last route into declining is going mainstream, which is generally perceived as an overall success. This is when goals of the movement are taken into society as a part of daily life, making it a 'social norm. It is important to recognize that though movements may disintegrate and cease to be active, the impact that they have in the social realm is success in its own way. It sparks the notion in new generations that the possibility to organize and make change is there. Sociologists have developed several theories related to social movements [Kendall, ]. Some of the better-known approaches are outlined below. Chronologically they include:. Deprivation theory argues that social movements have their foundations among people who feel deprived of some good s or resource s.

According to this approach, individuals who are lacking some good, service, or comfort are more likely to organize a social movement to improve or defend their conditions. There are two significant problems with this theory. First, since most people feel deprived at one level or another almost all the time, the theory has a hard time explaining why the groups that form social movements do when other people are also deprived. Second, the reasoning behind this theory is circular — often the only evidence for deprivation is the social movement. If deprivation is claimed to be the cause but the only evidence for such is the movement, the reasoning is circular.

Mass society theory argues that social movements are made up of individuals in large societies who feel insignificant or socially detached. Social movements, according to this theory, provide a sense of empowerment and belonging that the movement members would otherwise not have. Very little support has been found for this theory. Aho , in his study of Idaho Christian Patriotism, did not find that members of that movement were more likely to have been socially detached. In fact, the key to joining the movement was having a friend or associate who was a member of the movement. Social strain theory , also known as value-added theory, proposes six factors that encourage social movement development: [47].

However, social movement activism is, like in the case of deprivation theory, often the only indication that there was strain or deprivation. Resource mobilization theory emphasizes the importance of resources in social movement development and success. It is an unstable country, with new regimes replacing each other more or less violently every few years. The name means "bosun" in Italian, but is also a contraction of "nostr'uomo," or "our man. Conrad is not primarily a novelist of personal relationships; his characters tend to be seen as individuals reacting to the ethical or political situation around them, often in surprising ways. Nostromo is not a denunciation of colonialism, as Heart of Darkness had been.

Those battles are over; Costaguana has gained its independence. But not its stability, and most of the settlers who, like the Gould family, have been there for generations, are anything but settled. It is one of the earliest novels to explore the post-colonial age, and in some respects it goes even further than that. In the barely glimpsed but distantly present American industrialist Holroyd, who funds the mine from his stronghold in San Francisco as the first step towards establishing a North American foothold in the region and even promoting his particular brand of Christianity , we see distinct pre-echoes of the modern era of colonization by corporations and of politics as a kind of moral evangelism.

These are only a few of the topics that Edwards points out in his introduction; the reader will discover many more unaided. Nostromo is a difficult book, requiring intense concentration to read, but it provides much food for thought. Dec 18, Jim rated it it was amazing Shelves: fiction , 20th-century-lit. This is my third reading of this strange and remarkable book. As I began re-reading the first half of the story, I felt disappointed -- as if my taste as the young student who first read this book had somehow traduced me.

There was no central figure in this story: It was certainly not Gian' Battista Fidanza, a. No, the star was the silver of the mine. During a revolution, Nostromo is charged with sailing a lighter-full of silver -- one of the quarterly shipments from the mine -- to safety and away from the greedy hands of the Monteros and Sotillo. Although there were three people on that lighter that sails away from Sulaco toward Great Isabel Island, what remains is a mystery, a mystery as all three came to evil. If you see the book from the point of view of that inanimate object, the silver of the mine, you see how it calls the tune to which all the other characters dance.

Monygham, who is too wounded from his own past in the ill-fated Republic of Costaguana to be anything more than a cynical presence. Nostromo is indeed a great book, but one that requires to be taken on its own merits. Approach it with no preconceptions, and stick with it for the first hundred or so pages. Things happen slowly at first, but then all hell breaks loose. And the most heroic event of all, Nostromo's famous ride to Cayta to hook up with the troops of General Barrios, is seen only in retrospect.

Finally, we see into Nostromo's own mind -- and what we see is what the silver of the mine has done to him. View 2 comments. Mar 27, Ivana rated it it was amazing. A masterpiece The funny thing is that for about a third of the novel, I had this strange feeling that there is something that was alluding me, something that I was not quite getting, like the story was for ever reason hard to follow and yet at the same time I felt immersed in the story and wanted to read more and more The characters seemed as real and as vivid as they possibly could had and still I felt a sense of distance, a fairy tale feeling.

As I made my way towards to end, I had a feel A masterpiece As I made my way towards to end, I had a feeling of sudden clearness Not that I wouldn't mind having a second look at it. A novel like this one should be read twice. I still have a feeling that I have missed something. I was and usually am immensely attracted to Conrad's prose, to his words, to his rhythm However, this time there was something in his writing that had reminded me of South American writers who favor magic realism but for the life of me I wouldn't be able to define what. It is not exactly the usual definition of it, there are no ghosts and no event that is impossible or hard to believe Nostromo, our men The ones to whom we are "the other"?

In some ways everything and everyone in this story resolves about "our men". He is the personification of the people.. What a novel! Such a tale of pride, sadness and madness I'm not sure that I will ever read again. It felt as tragic as ancient plays, as beautifully sad to the core as the best of them. The only difference is that this novel hasn't dated Sadly, the tale of exploration, of lords and servants, of desperate fight in the name of "material interest" hasn't aged a day. Sadly, one has to say, for it would be so lovely to be able to say "this sort of thing doesn't happens anymore. However, I guess that to fully understand the implications, you really have to read the novel. Or perhaps I'm just saying that to get you to read the novel Shelves: fiction.

It refers to countries that have plentiful natural resources and weak governance as a result of rapacious colonialism, so suffer from political instability and chronic corruption. Nigeria is a commonly cited example. The concession on the mine belongs to a white man named Gould who was born there, a second or third generation coloniser. And because the mine brings in such wealth, its affairs touch everyone. Although I doubt they were intended, there are definite Marxist subtexts of class struggle and commodity fetishism.

It is clear from the beginning that the souls and lives of the characters will be claimed by their great deity, silver. While the plot is full of tension, this is sustained by inexorable threat rather than uncertainty. Romantic love, however passionate, always ends up taking second place to the prospect of wealth. Although it unleashes extensive political violence, the horror of actually getting silver out of the earth remains unseen. Events slowly gather an extraordinary momentum, seemingly external to the characters involved. Nostromo himself is a very distinctive individual, yet it seems unlikely that his personal involvement actually changed the course of events.

Once that had been established, I read more than pages in a day and was totally fascinated by the political and personal machinations. Conrad focuses mercilessly on the flaws of his characters; he is the antithesis of Victor Hugo in this respect. He shows how the silver mine brings out the worst in everyone, rich or poor, man or woman, white or black, politician or worker. The reader can claim no moral superiority over the characters, whose actions evoke understanding, even sympathy, given the context. This makes the novel all the more powerful as a condemnation of capitalist imperialism and its politics.

While these lines of Mrs. With a prophetic vision she saw herself surviving alone the degradation of her young ideals of life, of love, of work - all alone in the Treasure House of the World. The profound, blind suffering expression of a painful dream settled on her face with its closed eyes. DNF at 85 pages. This was a second attempt. I was so bored I couldn't make myself go on. I think I got to about the first try. Maybe I'll push through it some day after I've read and enjoyed other books by Conrad. Jun 01, Ivana Books Are Magic rated it really liked it. It is deeply ironic that in his own time, the critics failed to see the greatness of his works and hence he was considered to be a writer of nautical adventure stories.

While many of his works have a nautical setting, they are much more meaningful then any mere adventure story could ever be. What kind of novel is this? A true masterpiece So, if you happen to like this author, you must give it a try. If you have read and liked any of his other words, you will probably like this one as well. The funny thing is that for about a third of the novel, I had this strange feeling that there is something that was alluding me, something that I was not quite able to understand, some subtle message I wasn't receiving, some hidden message I was not quite getting, like the story was for some reason hidden for me.

Every moment of reading it was like being caught in some magical place and all I wanted to do was to read more and more The characters seemed as real and as vivid as they possibly could have. I related to the characters on personal level. However, I still felt a sense of distance, this uncanny almost fairy- tale like feeling of being surrounded by characters that feel both human and above human kind of larger than life. I will never forget it. This feeling it was the similar to a feeling that a person coming out of the dark experiences once his eyes get accustomed to the light, a feeling of finally seeing, the mere joy of seeing being mixed with the happiness of experiencing your surroundings.

Moreover, it was more than just seeing, it was seeing what you had hoped to see. That feeling of having your hopes fulfilled is usually joyous in its essence. I still want to read it another time, have another go, see what I might have missed. I was and still am immensely attracted to Conrad's prose, to his words, to his rhythm Nevertheless, this novel felt unique in one way. You see, this time there was something in his writing that had reminded me of South American writers who favour magic realism but for the life of me I wouldn't be able to define what. He is the personification of the people perhaps in a similar way Lord Jim is. However, despite the fact that the protagonist is so impressive, the other characters do not fall in his shadow.

The reason for that is naturally the fact that the characterisation of other characters is very successful. Indeed, such a cast of powerful and credible characters is hard to find in any novel that I can think of. All the characters are created with much detail and finesse. What a novel it is! Sadly, one has to say, for it would be so lovely to be able to say "this sort of thing doesn't happen anymore. In that true cry of undying passion that seemed to ring aloud from Punta Mala to Azuera and away to the bright line of the horizon, overhung by a big white cloud shining like a mass of solid silver, the genius of the magnificent Capataz de Cargadores dominated the dark gulf containing his conquests of treasure and love.

It is certainly a must read. I really do love this novel. Best damn thing Conrad ever wrote. Greed stripped to the bone - at least you can eat bananas in such a republic - but tin pots with nothing to cook in them; funny thing is Che finds lots of 'Costaguanas' in his The Mortorcycle Diaries - ah well - truth is stranger than fiction - so 'they' say. Quite an adventure, the story of Nostromo a hero to the people of Sulaco.

Initially found this very difficult to get into, sorting out a timeframe for events and for the characters themselves. Not easy to find a reading rhythm but once I did the story started to flow. A lot of characters on offer but they all have depth and substance. A novel of good versus evil, wealth and poverty and following the money trail. Edited to add that I was more than happy with this free edition. Hours of reading enjo Quite an adventure, the story of Nostromo a hero to the people of Sulaco. Hours of reading enjoyment.

Once I got past the first few pages, I was completely into this amazing book. Written in but oh so relevant today as if Conrad could see into the future. Definitely not for people who have short attention spans -- this one demands your complete attention and concentration. Sep 22, Nick rated it liked it. Joseph Conrad's "Nostromo" gets much love, perhaps more than any of the writer's works: the Modern Library ranks it high among all novels and F. Scott Fitzgerald was a particular fan. But in all the discussion about "Nostromo", I have yet to see any commentary on how oddly constructed it is.

Conrad gets many things right about nineteenth century Latin America: the struggle between economic liberals and traditionalists, the deciding importance of the Army and especially its charismatic generals, Joseph Conrad's "Nostromo" gets much love, perhaps more than any of the writer's works: the Modern Library ranks it high among all novels and F. Conrad gets many things right about nineteenth century Latin America: the struggle between economic liberals and traditionalists, the deciding importance of the Army and especially its charismatic generals, the power of American and European investments and the concession of national resources to them.

Although, oddly, the Church is a minor player in the background to the tale. But that is all, in a sense, stage business, the elaborate setting for a modern version of the Pardoner's Tale or perhaps a proto-"Lord of the Rings" in which silver poisons everything. One can see the attraction for Fitzgerald: Nostromo, the Italian immigrant to the country of Costaguana is in some ways a proto-Gatsby. And Nostromo the person, despite side trips to the history of the local silver mine, and glancing references to the brutality of a past dictator and the strategy pursued by the generals who are dictators-in-training, is what interests Conrad here.

Importantly, the main characters are mostly immigrants or their heirs, Italian refugees, a Jewish merchant, and a variety of English citizens or descendants of them. Even one of the major citizens of Costaguana is Martin DeCoud, of evident French heritage, feels more comfortable in Paris, and is, consequently, a major importer of ideas like a free press and liberty in general. In a similar vein but even more disturbing, Conrad goes out of his way on occasion to emphasize the African blood in the generals brothers who are set on conquering the silver-producing region and finishing off what remains of liberty in the country. Although liberty in this case is ill-defined: aside from the passion of an Italian immigrant who fought with Garibaldi, the pretensions of Decoud, and an occasional rhetorical flourish on behalf of the miners and stevedores who, if Costaguana truly belongs to Latin America, have their own substantial portions of African and indigenous blood , freedom seems to consist of ownership and exploitation of the silver mine.

And am I the only person to have noticed what a repellent name Costaguana is? Surely Conrad the seaman would have not chosen it without intent. So what we have here is a European morality play--and to be clear, Conrad has brought to it all his considerable skill as a writer--deposited in a Latin American setting about which he did considerable research. It makes me think of all the other Conradian fables, of Africa and the Pacific, and re-examine them for similarities, and certainly they are there, even in a text that I admire greatly, like "The Heart of Darkness", where the debate between Kurtz' beliefs and Marlow's skepticism take place in a theater of African blood if I recall correctly, Conrad calls it savagery.

What I advocate here is not an attempt to rewrite 19th century literature or throw it out because we have a better understanding of what was happening now; but neither do I see the utility of setting aside what we understand now when we look at the past. That debate aside, I return to the idea that this book is oddly constructed: a careful framework of Latin American themes carefully erected and the mostly ignored, while Europeans and Eurocentric locals have long discussions once in the presence of the corpse of a man known to both debaters , plot, and become the victims of their own contriving.

It could be set anywhere there is a precious natural resource and political violence, in itself an interesting setting. That, I think, would have taken a writer less narrowly focused on a narrow tragedy and with a greater sensitivity to the implications of the wider ones. This one's tough to review. I want to recommend it to everyone, but that's probably just a waste of a lot of time. I read this about ten years ago as a young college student, and just re-read it.

Even while re-reading, the only things I remember are i wondering to myself, if this book is called Nostromo, why is Nostromo absent for most of the book? Proust helps a lot. So does James. Even the less difficult modernists, like Forster, are useful. But Nostromo is not like Ulysses. I didn't understand Ulysses, but Joyce's writing is nice and there are some jokes to keep you going. Conrad's style here is wonderful, but not the sort of wonderful that keeps you going on its own. You need to be able to follow the plot, and you have to learn how to follow it. But if you're either well-read or dedicated enough, this must be one of the best 50 novels- maybe even of the twentieth century.

The characters are hard to get a handle on, but once you do, they're extraordinary. Conrad's way of presenting the story is formally amazing. I've also been reading Genette's 'Narrative Structures,' and the tools in that book help make sense of this one although Nostromo also shows up the problems with Genette's concepts, since they function best in first person narratives and not so well with third person narratives. The narrative seems to be all over the place.

You get the consequences of and event before you get the event; you get two line summaries of what seem to be but aren't the most important events So do yourself a favour. Read the first four chapters. If you don't get into them, just stop and try it again ten years later. But keep trying! Knottily plotted. The story hurtles forward only when a special narrative device is used. Otherwise the omniscient narrator is almost always a marker of description and stasis. The novel feels uneven; there are sharp edges, there are mellow troughs.

These qualities are somewhat soaked by our eponymous hero as well. His heroism, although meant to be vain, can also be just damp at times. There are beautiful long sentences that make you go tsk-tsk regarding the state of all, even literary, writing Knottily plotted. There are beautiful long sentences that make you go tsk-tsk regarding the state of all, even literary, writing today. But the novel's placement among the top of the last century is a dubious one. Jan 20, Marc rated it really liked it Shelves: english-literature. Definitely Conrad's most accomplished novel.

Of course the reading is very difficult because of the continually shifting in time, space and narrator, yet this is very clevery done. The core of the story is how silver can make even the hardest rock grow weak. Nostromo, that's us all! Rating 3. Aug 12, Corto rated it it was amazing. I just finished this novel moments ago When I woke up this morning, I had roughly a hundred pages left What a phenomenal novel. It's a parable of revolution and the silver mine at its epicenter in a South American republic circa early 's. As the story unfolds, it tells the tale of how the mine inspires, corrupts and motivates everyone in its immediate orbit, up th I just finished this novel moments ago As the story unfolds, it tells the tale of how the mine inspires, corrupts and motivates everyone in its immediate orbit, up through the corridors of power, the near and far opportunists aware of its wealth, and eventually the entire nation.

The novel is populated by compelling, multi-dimensional characters, and a lavish attention to detail and setting. Conrad's writing in this novel, is brilliant and never turgid. To compare his style of prose to modern literature would be like contrasting today's pop-realist paintings with the richer, warmer and deeper tones of the equally realistic Dutch Golden Age painters. Additionally, this is not a predictable novel until almost the very end. I couldn't foresee where the tale would take the principal characters, and where Conrad would apply his dark, sardonic "touch" that characterized "Heart of Darkness" from what I remember and "Lord Jim". I can't say much more about it, because as I sit here writing this- I'm still internally abuzz with shock regarding the climax of this novel.

And being desirous that you might know the principles which actuated [caused] our conduct, and being prohibited from inserting our reasons of dissent on the minutes of the convention, we have subjoined [added them at the end] them for your consideration [they are missing today] , as to you alone we are accountable. It remains with you whether you will think these inestimable privileges, which you have so ably contended for [during the revolutionary war] , should be sacrificed at the shrine of despotism, or whether you mean to contend for them with the same spirit that has so often baffled the attempts of an aristocratic faction, to rivet the shackles of slavery on you and your unborn posterity.

They are written, as with a sun beam, in the while volume of human nature, by the hand of the divinity itself; and can never be erased or obscured by mortal power. In truth, these rights are not at all obvious, and they can easily be obscured by a poor democratic design, viz. Abraham Lincoln, Maybe it is time we all give up on the current experiment in 4-year kings and narrow democracy. Maybe it is time to institute an incorruptible broad democracy. And that, had the idea of a total change been stated, probably no state would have appointed members to the convention. The idea of destroying ultimately, the state government, and forming one consolidated system, could not have been admitted. A convention, therefore, merely for vesting in congress powers to regulate trade was proposed.

This was pleasing to the commercial towns, and the landed people had little or no concern about it. This was done before the delegates of Massachusetts, and of the other states arrived. Still not a word was said about destroying the old constitution, and making a new one. The states were still unsuspecting, and not aware that they were passing the Rubicon, appointed members to the new convention, for the sole and express purpose of revising and amending the confederation — and, probably, not one man in 10, in the United States, till within these [past] 10 or 12 days, had an idea that the old ship was to be destroyed, and [a] … new ship presented… The states, I believe, universally supposed the convention would report alterations in the confederation, which would pass an examination in [the] congress [of the 13 independent state legislatures].

And after being agreed to there, would be confirmed by all the legislatures, or be rejected. Virginia made a very respectable appointment, and placed at the head of it the first man in America [George Washington, who chaired the constitutional convention]. In this appointment there was a mixture of political characters; but Pennsylvania appointed principally those men who are esteemed [regarded as] aristocratical. Here the favorite moment for changing the government was evidently discerned by a few men, who seized it with address [skill or dexterity]. And [they] are now by their conduct, teasing and absolutely haunting of you into a compliance. If you choose all these things should take place, by all means gratify them.

To produce these essential requisites, the representation ought to be fair, equal, and sufficiently numerous, to possess the same interests, feelings, opinions, and views, which the people themselves would possess, were they all assembled; and so numerous as to prevent bribery and undue influence. And [al] so responsible to the people, by frequent and fair elections, [so] as to prevent their neglecting or sacrificing the views and interests of their constituents, to [over] their own [selfish] pursuits. We will now bring the legislature under this constitution to the test of the foregoing principles, which will demonstrate, that it is deficient in every essential quality of a just and safe representation.

The house of representatives is to consist of [a mere] 65 members. That is one for about every 50, inhabitants, to be chosen every two years. Thus it appears that the liberties, happiness, interests, and great concerns of the whole United States, may be dependent upon the integrity, virtue, wisdom, and knowledge of 25 or 26 men. How inadequate and unsafe a representation! Inadequate because the sense and views of 3 or 4 millions of people diffused over so extensive a territory comprising such various climates, products, habits, interests, and opinions, cannot be collected in so small a body: And besides, it is not a fair and equal representation of the people even in proportion to its number, for the smallest state has as much weight in the senate as the largest and from the smallness of the number to be chosen for both branches of the legislature; and from the mode of election and appointment, which is under the control of Congress; and from the nature of the thing, men of the most elevated rank in life, will alone be chosen.

The other orders of the society, such as farmers, traders, and mechanics, who all ought to have a competent number of their best informed men in the legislature, will be totally unrepresented. The representation is unsafe, because in the exercise of such great powers and trusts, it is so exposed to corruption and undue influence, by the gift of the numerous places of honor and emoluments at the disposal of the [administration of the lone] executive; by the arts and address of the great and designing; and by direct bribery. The representation is moreover inadequate and unsafe, because of the longer terms for which it is appointed, and the mode of its appointment, by which Congress may not only control the choice of the people, but may so manage as to divest the people of this fundamental right, and become self- elected.

The number of members in the house of representatives MAY be increased to one for every 30, inhabitants [ men at the time]. But… we are persuaded that this is a circumstance that cannot be expected. Anti-Federalist Papers, Melancton Smith, That after that time, a census was to be taken, and the number… shall never exceed , If this was the case, the first Congress that met might reduce the number below what it now is; a power inconsistent with every principle of a free government, to leave it to the discretion of the rulers to determine the number of the representatives of the people. There was no kind of security except in the integrity of the men who were entrusted. And if you have no other security, it is idle [a waste of time] to contend [argue] about Constitutions.

When we were Colonies, our representation [ratio] was better [broader] than any that was then known. Since the revolution, we had advanced still nearer to perfection. He considered it as an object[ive] , of all others [objectives] the most important …the representative should be chosen from small districts. This being admitted, he would ask, could 65 men, for 3,,, or 1 for 30,, be chosen in this manner? Would they possess of the requisite information to make happy the great number of souls that were spread over this extensive country? Corruption, he knew, was unfashionable among us, but he supposed that Americans were like other men.

And thought they had hitherto displayed great virtues, still they were men. And therefore such steps should be taken as to prevent the possibility of corruption [in later times]. We were now in that stage of society, in which we could deliberate with freedom. How long it might continue, God only knew! Twenty years hence, perhaps, these maxims might become unfashionable. We already hear, said he, in all parts of the country, gentlemen ridiculing that spirit of patriotism and love of liberty, which carried us through all our difficulties in times of danger. When patriotism was already nearly hooted out of society, ought we not to take some precautions against the progress of corruption.

I believe they have operated more beneficially that most people expected, who considered that those governments were erected in a time of war and confusion, when they were very liable to errors in their structure. It will be a matter of astonishment to all unprejudiced men hereafter, who shall reflect upon our situation, to observe to what a great degree good government has prevailed. It is true [that] some bad laws have been passed in most of the states; but they arose more from the difficulty of the times, than from any want of honesty or wisdom. Perhaps there never was a government, which in the course of ten years did not do something to be repented of. A great politician has said that every man has his price: I hope this is not true in all its extent — But I ask the gentlemen to inform, what government there is, in which it has not been practiced?

Notwithstanding all that has been said of the defects in the Constitution of the ancient Confederacies of the Grecian Republics, their destruction is to be imputed more to this cause than to any imperfection in their forms of government. This was the deadly poison that effected their dissolution. This is an extensive country, increasing in population and growing in consequence.

Very many lucrative offices will be in grant of [granted by] the government, which will be the object of avarice and ambition. How easy will it be to gain over a sufficient number, in the bestowment of these offices, to promote the views and purposes of those who grant them! Foreign corruption is also to be guarded against. A system of corruption is known to be the system of government in Europe. It is practiced without blushing. And we may lay it to our account [assume that] it will be attempted amongst us. The most effectual as well as natural security against this, is a strong [broad] … legislature frequently chosen… Does the [proposed] house of representatives answer this description?

I confess, to me they hardly wear the complexion of a democratic branch — they appear the mere shadow of representation. The whole number in both houses amounts to 91 — of these 46 make a quorum; and 24 of these being secured, may carry any point. Can the liberties of three millions of people be securely trusted in the hands of [a mere] 24 men? Is it prudent to commit to so small a number the decision of the great questions which will come before them? Reason revolts at the idea. The honorable gentleman from New York [Alexander Hamilton] has said that 65 members in the house of representatives are sufficient for the present situation in the country, and taking it for granted that they will increase as one for 30,, in 25 years they will amount to It is admitted by this observation that the number fixed in the Constitution, is not sufficient without [unless] it is augmented.

We certainly ought to fix in the Constitution those things which are essential to liberty. To say, as this gentleman does, that our security is to depend upon the spirit of the people, who will be watchful of their liberties, and not suffer them to be infringed, is absurd. It would equally prove that we might adopt any form of government. The eagerness with which they have been received by certain classes of our fellow citizens, naturally forces upon us this question: Are we to adopt this Government without an examination? Some there are, who, literally speaking, are for pressing it upon us at all events. The name of the man who but lisps a sentiment in objection to is, is to be handed to the printer, by the printer to the public, and by the public he is to be led to execution.

They are themselves stabbing its reputation. For my part, I am a stranger to the necessity for all this haste! Is it not a subject of some small importance? Certainly it is. Are not your lives, your liberties and your properties intimately involved in it? Certainly they are. Is it a government for a moment, a day, or a year? By no means — but for ages — Altered it may possibly be, but it is easier to correct before it is adopted. Is it for a family, a state, or a small number of people? It is for a number no less respectable than 3 millions. Are the enemy at our gates, and have we not time to consider it? Certainly we have. Is it so simple in its form as to be comprehended instantly? Does it consist of but few additions to our present confederation… Far otherwise.

It is a complete system of government, and armed with ever power, that a people in any circumstances ought to bestow. It is a path newly struck out, and a new set of ideas are introduced that have neither occurred or been digested. A government for national purposes … it ought to undergo a candid and strict examination… Which are but yet in infancy; and we had better proceed slow that too fast. I is much easier to dispense powers, than recall them. That the citizens of Philadelphia are running mad after it, can be no argument for us to do the like: Their situation is almost contrasted with ours; they suppose themselves a central State; they expect the perpetual residence of Congress, which of itself alone will ensure their aggrandizement.

Adams… Can this Assembly be said to contain the sense of the people? Do they resemble the people in any one single feature? Can he be presumed [to know] your different, peculiar situations — your abilities to pay public taxes, when they ought to be abated, and when increased? Or is there any possibility of giving him information? All these questions must be answered in the negative. But how are these men to be chosen? Is there any other way than by dividing the senate into districts?

May not you as well at once invest your annual Assemblies [the state senators only served for one year] with the power of choosing them — where is the essential difference? The nature of the thing will admit of none. Nay, you give them the power to prescribe [determine] the mode [of election]. Even this privilege is denied you annually, through fear that you might withhold the shadow of control over them. In this view of the System, let me sincerely ask you, where is the people in this House of Representatives? Where is the boasted popular part of this much admired System? Are they not cousins-german [of the same family] in every sense to the senate? May they not with propriety [rightly] be termed an Assistant Aristocratical Branch, who will be infinitely more inclined to cooperate and compromise with each other, than to be the careful guardians of the rights of their constituents?

Who is there among you would not start[be shocked] at being told, that instead of your present [State] House of Representatives, consisting of members chosen from every town [in your state] , your future House were to consist of but ten in number, and these to be chosen by districts? But in the other, [the proposed 2nd US constitution] , they are chosen for double the time [two years] , during which, however, well disposed, they become strangers to the very people choosing them, they reside at a distance from you, you have no control over them, you cannot observe their conduct, and they have to consult and finally be guided by twelve other States, whose interests are, in all material points, directly opposed to yours.

Let me again ask you, What citizen is there in the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, that would deliberately consent laying aside the mode proposed, that the several senates of the several States, should be the popular Branch, and together, form one National House of Representatives? Anti-Federalist Papers, Patrick Henry, Suspect everyone who approaches that jewel. Franklin D. The ultimate rulers of our democracy are not a president and senators and congressmen and government officials, but the voters of this country. But, sir, if this be a truth that its adoption may entail misery on the free people of this country, I then insist, that rejection ought to follow. Gentlemen strongly urge its adoption will be a mighty benefit to us: But, Sir, I am made of such incredulous materials that assertions and declarations, do not satisfy me.

I must be convinced, Sir. Gentlemen [you] must excuse me, if the should think differently. I never can believe Sir, that it is too late to save all that is precious. If it [the 2nd US constitution] be proper, and independently of every external consideration, wisely constructed, let us receive it. But, Sir, shall its adoption by eight States induce us to receive it, if it be replete with [full of] the most dangerous defects? They urge that subsequent amendments are safer than previous amendments, and they will answer the same ends.

At present we have our liberties and privileges in our own hands. Let us not relinquish them. Let us not adopt this system till we see them [our liberties] secured. Let us recollect the awful magnitude of the subject of our deliberation. Let us consider the latent consequences of an erroneous decision — and let not our minds be led away by unfair misrepresentations and un-candid suggestions. The Honorable member advises us to adopt a measure which will destroy our Bill of Rights. For [but] after hearing his picture of nations, and his reasons for abandoning all the powers retained to [by] the States by [in] the confederation, I am more firmly persuaded of the impropriety of adopting this new plan in its present shape. I had doubts of [about] the power of those who went to the Convention.

But now we are possessed of it, let us examine it. When we trusted the great object [ive] of revising the Confederation to the greatest, the best, and most enlightened of our citizens, we thought their deliberations would have been solely confined to that revision. Instead of this, a new system, totally different in its nature and vesting the most extensive powers to Congress, is presented. The Honorable member then observed that nations will expend millions for commercial advantages.

That is, they will deprive you of every advantage if they can. Apply this another way, their cheaper way. Instead of laying out millions in making war upon you… [they] will… corrupt your senators. Congress being the paramount supreme power, much not be disappointed. Thus Congress will have an unlimited, unbounded command over the soul of this Commonwealth. After satisfying their uncontrolled demands, what can be left for the States? Not a sufficiency even to defray the expense of their internal administration. They must therefore glide imperceptibly and gradually out of existence. This, Sir, must naturally terminate in a consolidation. If this will do for other people, it never will do for me. If we are to have one Representative for every 30, souls, it must be by implication.

The Constitution does not positively secure it. Judge then, on which side the implication will be used. Once we put it in their option to assume constructive power, danger will follow. Trial by jury and liberty of the press, are also on this foundation of implication. Henry then declared a Bill of Rights indispensably necessary. That a general positive provision should be inserted in the new system, securing to the States and the people, every right which was not conceded to the General Government, and that every implication should be done away [with].

It is not designated that you shall be annually called either to revise, correct, or renew it; but that your posterity shall grow up under, and be governed by it, as well as ourselves. It is not so capable of alterations as you would at the first reading suppose; and I venture to assert, it never can be, unless by force of arms. The line cannot be drawn with too much precision and accuracy. The necessity of this accuracy and this precision increases in proportion to the greatness of the sacrifice and the numbers who make it. That a Constitution for the United States does not require a Bill of Rights, when it is considered, that a Constitution for an individual State would, I cannot conceive.

Whereas the very contrary of all this doctrine appears to be true. Upon an attentive examination you can pronounce it nothing less, than a government which if a few years, will degenerate to a complete Aristocracy, armed with powers unnecessary in any case to bestow, and which in its vortex swallows up every other Government upon the Continent. In short, my fellow-citizens, it can be said to be nothing less than a hasty stride to Universal Empire in this Western World, flattering, very flattering to young ambitious minds, but fatal to the liberties of the people.

The cord is strained to the very utmost. There is every spice of the SIC. JUBEO possible in the composition. Anti-Federalist Papers, Wilson: …He could not persuade himself that the State Governments and Sovereignties were so much the idols of the people, nor a National Government so obnoxious to them, as some supposed. Why should a National Government be unpopular? Has it less dignity? Will each Citizen enjoy under it less liberty or protection? Where are the facts? Where is the logic? I contend, Sir, that it will have a contrary effect.

It will destroy that connection that ought to subsist [exist] between electors and the elected. If your elections are by [large voting] districts instead of counties, the people will not be [personally] acquainted with the candidates. They must therefore be directed in the election by those who know them. A common man must [therefore] ask a man of influence how he is to proceed, and for whom he must vote.

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