⒈ Conformity In The Fountainhead

Wednesday, June 16, 2021 8:04:03 PM

Conformity In The Fountainhead

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He and his followers believe that they had a religious obligation to spread the call in Arabic, da'wa for a restoration of pure monotheistic worship. This was done at the expense of the overlords of the Ottoman Empire. Eventually, the house of Al Saud met with defeat at the hands of the Ottoman and Egyptian armies, resulting in the burning of Diriyah. Moreover links between Ibn Abdul Wahab and the house of Saud have been sealed with multiple marriages.

It allowed him to declare holy war jihad , otherwise legally impossible, against other Muslims. There is no reason to acquiesce in this assumption of a monopoly, and because the movement in question was ultimately the work of one man, Muhammad b. Thus, the idolater who call upon a saint for help must repent, If he does so, his repentance is accepted. If not, he is to be killed. Cairo p. In fact, as evidence of the lack of religious support this military conquest enjoyed, Ibn Abd al-Wahhab left Ibn Saud's company altogether during this campaign, devoting himself instead to spiritual matters and prayer ». However, even this defensive jihad remained limited in scope, as fighting was permitted only against those who had either attacked or insulted his followers directly.

After the conclusion of the pact of , Muhammad Ibn Sa'ud, who at the time ruled only the Najd village of Dir'iya, embarked on the conquest of neighboring settlements, destroying idols and obliging his new subjects to submit to Wahhabi Islam. In turn, the Saudi realm could maintain its independence vis-a-vis Istanbul because of physical and technological factors: Its geographical isolation, its lack of valuable resources, the limits of nineteenth-century communications, transportation and military technologies made conquest and pacification too costly for both Cairo and Istanbul. These outside powers decided to leave the Saudis alone so long as they did not revive the first amirate's impulse for expansion through jihad and refrained from attacking Hijaz, Iraq and Syria.

By the s, generations of Najdi townsmen had lived in a Wahhabi milieu. The strict monotheistic doctrine had been naturalized as the native religious culture. At the same time, he tempered Wahhabi zeal when he felt that it clashed with the demands of consolidating power in Hijaz and al-Hasa or the constraints of firmer international boundaries maintained by the era's dominant power in the region, Great Britain.

Simply put, political considerations trumped religious idealism. The same principle governed Ibn Saud's approach to adopting modern technology, building a rudimentary administrative framework and signing the oil concession with the Americans. When ibn Saud decided to curb the Ikhwan, he permitted the shiites to drive away Wahhabi preachers. The outcome of this approach was the preservation of a more relaxed atmosphere in Hijaz than in Najd. Standards would stiffen when Ibn Saud arrived for the pilgrimage with a retinue of Wahhabi ulama and then slacken with his departure. In another sign of Ibn Saud's willingness to disregard Wahhabi sensibilities, he allowed Shiites to perform the pilgrimage.

They openly practise religion or are compelled to reside among idolaters. The movement also shared with the Wahhabis that desire to revive the teachings of Ibn Taymiyya and a tendency to express intolerance toward other Muslims Ahl-i Hadith preachers compared Delhi's Muslims to idolaters. It is, then perhaps, not surprising that persons of salafi tendency … casting around in desperation for a hero, should have begun to view Ibn Sa'ud with favor and to express sympathy for Wahhabism. Its constituent council, which met for the first time in December , was headed by the then chief mufti of Saudi Arabia, Muhammad b. Ibrahim Al al-Shaykh, a lineal descendant of Muhammad b.

Abd al-Wahhab, and the presidency remains to this day vested in the Saudi chief mufti. In accordance with statute, the head of the league's secretariat has always been a Saudi citizen, the first to occupy the post being Muhammad Surur al-Sabban. These efforts bore fruit in Nigeria's Muslim northern region with the creation of a movement the Izala Society dedicated to wiping out ritual innovations.

Essential texts for members of the Izala Society are Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab's treatise of God's unity and commentaries by his grandsons. No one could have foreseen that the Muslim Brothers would successfully spread their ideas in the kingdom and erode Wahhabism's hegemony. The largely illiterate nation had few qualified teachers, so the government dispatched emissaries abroad, mostly to Egypt and Jordan, to recruit teachers with substantive skills who also were devout Muslims. When Nasser, a nationalist strongman and sworn enemy of Saudi Arabia, turned on his country's conservative Muslim Brotherhood, King Faisal welcomed those religious conservatives into Saudi Arabia as scholars and teachers, reinforcing the fundamentalist hold on the young Ministry of Education, founded in under his predecessor and half-brother, King Saud.

But the rhetoric of the Brotherhood dealt in change-promoting concepts like social justice, anticolonialism, and the equal distribution of wealth. Politically they were prepared to challenge the establishment in a style that was unthinkable to mainstream Wahhabis, who were reflexively deferential to their rulers, and enablers, the House of Saud. It was heady stuff for the young students of Jeddah, taking the Wahhabi values they had absorbed in childhood and giving them a radical, but still apparently safe, religious twist. They had learned of jihad at school as an instantly romantic concept—part of history. Now they were hearing of its practical possibility today, and they could even make personal contact with jihad in the barrel-chested shape of Abdullah Azzam, who gave lectures in both Jeddah and Mecca in the early s.

The Saudi government had welcomed ideologues like Azzam and Mohammed, the surviving Qutub, to the Kingdom as pious reinforcement against the atheistic , Marxist -tinged thinking of their Middle Eastern neighborhood. But in the process they were exposing young Saudi hearts and minds to a still more potent virus—hands-on, radical Islam. Islamists see education as their base so they won't compromise on this. In fact, the Muslim Brother imprint on this sample of Saudi schoolbooks is striking. Apparently members of the organization secured positions in the Ministry of Education, which they used to propagate their ideas.

It is instead a part of contemporary jihadist tendency that evolved from the teachings of Sayyid Qutb…in other words; Al-Qaeda belongs to an offshoot of twenty-first century Muslim revivalist ideology, not Wahhabism. Exactly how and when these elements combined has not yet been established beyond the common knowledge that Saudi Arabia opened its doors to members of the Muslim Brothers fleeing repression by secular regimes in Egypt and Syrian in the later s and s They spread their ideas by occupying influential positions in educational institutions and circulating their literature. This blend of traditionalists and modern Islamist militants served the kingdom's interests well at first, because it countered the threat of a 'progressive', pro-Soviet Islam—the brand preached at Al Azhar University in Egypt during the Nasser regime.

But eventually this volatile mixture would explode in the Saudis' hands. According to Ottaway, the king boasted on his personal Web site that he established Islamic colleges, Islamic centers, mosques, and schools for Muslim children in non-Islamic nations. The late king also launched a publishing center in Medina that by had distributed million copies of the Koran worldwide. Instead, it confined itself to calling on all Islamic states to cooperate with the UN secretary general in bringing an end to a situation that was 'prejudicial to the Afghan people.

But the s iteration of this tradition, the religious leaders called upon by the royal family to reestablish moral order were not Wahhabite clerics but were rather sahwa militants whose belief system was a hybrid of Salafism and Qutbist thought and whose allegiances lay outside the Saudi kingdom. Foreign influences and bida'a were the problem.

The solution to the religious upheaval was simple -- more religion. Saddam Hussein's annexation of the oil-rich amirate alarmed Riyadh and Washington, in large measure because his intentions were unclear: Did he intend to push south to seize the oil fields in Saudi Arabia's Eastern province. An alliance between Muslims and non Muslims to fight Muslims was also specifically forbidden by the teachings of Ibn Abd al-Wahhab ». One is publicly supportive of the House of Saud, and will endorse any policy decision reached by the Saudi government and provide scriptural justification for it.

The second believe that the House of Saud should be forcibly removed and the wahhabi clerics should take charge. Osama bin Laden and al-Qaeda are from the second school. The sheikists had replaced the adoration of Allah with the idolatry of the oil sheiks of the Arabian peninsula, with the Al Saud family at their head. Their theorist was Abdelaziz bin Baz… the archetypal court ulema ulama al-balat ….

They had to be striven against and eliminated. Confronted by the sheikist traitors, the jihadist-salafists had a similarly supercilious respect for the sacred texts in their most literal form, but they combined it with an absolute commitment to jihad, whose number-one target had to be America, perceived as the greatest enemy of the faith. The dissident Saudi preachers Hawali and Auda were held in high esteem by this school ». Prince Talal bin Abdul Aziz.. The sheikhs and ulema had very valuable advice to offer, wrote the prince, but it was no more than that—advice. They should not consider that they were among 'those who govern. Turki's bid for a direct role in Saudi government was firmly slapped down, and the reverend doctor did not argue back.

At present, the indications are not good for true believers in Wahhabi doctrine. But as its history demonstrates, the doctrine has survived crises before. Prince Nayef defended the religious establishment and blamed instead a foreign import—the Muslim Brotherhood, the radical Islamic political organization founded in Egypt in the s—for the kingdom's problems. For years, Saudi Arabia sheltered and embraced the Brotherhood activists, and now, Prince Nayef told the press, the Brotherhood had turned against the Saudis and were destroying the Arab world.

In his opinion, Muslims who disagreed with his definition of monotheism were not heretics, that is to say, misguided Muslims, but outside the pale of Islam altogether ». Politically they were prepared to challenge the establishment in a style that was unthinkable to mainstream Wahhabis, who were reflexively defferential to their rulers, and enablers, the House of Saud. The woke assault on cultural land marks and institutions is underway. Latest from the former Free Speech Coalition. I'd urge all SOLOists to join but to maintain vigilance, scepticism Our Mother Country, the United Kingdom once was lucky enough to have Margaret Thatcher as their celebrated Iron Lady to alleviate the sick excesses of socialism in Britain during the 80s decade. Everyone has the right to freedom of expression, including the freedom to seek, receive, and impart information and opinions of any kind in any form.

An impromptu discussion about evolutionism, the modern world, Ayn Rand, Aristotle and the Ancients. Linz writes with his usual well-directed passion about the threat of totalitarianism growing steadily in New Zealand, a probability foreseen by George Orwell in , as Linz notes, though naturally enough without NZ particularly in mind. Tragically, the same is happening the world over, as Orwell foretold it might, except in China, where it is already a fait accompli. Totalitarianism has reigned there since the late s; although, having discovered during two decades or more of mass starvation and tens of millions of deaths that a socialist or communist economy simply does not work, the regime has reinvented itself under a capitalist cloak.

Behind this smiling, silky deception, of course, the CCP remains what it always was, a State, an institution created by force for the exploitation of subject peoples, and one which is carrying out its self-appointed mission ruthlessly. Richard Weavers was an academic from The University of Chicago and in wrote a book called Ideas have Consequences. A book that should sit alongside Orwell's If you have been like me and watching events in America during the last couple of months with a sense of frustration and occasional anger - you're obviously not alone.

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