⒈ Slavery Vs Slavery

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Slavery Vs Slavery

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Slavery - Crash Course US History #13

Evidence of this viewpoint is found in the Code of Hammurabi , which permits debtors to sell their wives and children into temporary slavery, lasting a maximum of three years. The book of Leviticus also exhibits this, allowing foreign residents to sell their own children and families to Israelites, although no limitation is placed on the duration of such slavery. Debt slaves were one of the two categories of slaves in ancient Jewish society. As the name implies, these individuals sold themselves into slavery in order to pay off debts they may have accrued. Chattel slaves, on the other hand, were less common and were usually prisoners of war who retained no individual right of redemption.

These chattel slaves engaged in full-time menial labor, often in a domestic capacity. The earlier [33] [34] [35] [36] Covenant Code instructs that, if a thief is caught after sunrise and is unable to make restitution for the theft, then the thief should be enslaved. There were two words used for female slaves, which were amah and shifhah. Men assigned their female slaves the same level of dependence as they would a wife. Close levels of relationships could occur given the amount of dependence placed upon these women. Marriage with these slaves was not unheard of or prohibited. In fact, it was a man's concubine that was seen as the "other" and shunned from the family structure.

These female slaves were treated more like women than slaves which may have resulted, according to some scholars, due to their sexual role, which was particularly to "breed" more slaves. Sexual slavery , or being sold to be a wife, was common in the ancient world. Throughout the Old Testament, the taking of multiple wives is recorded many times. It is understood by Jewish and Christian commentators that this referred to the sale of a daughter, who "is not arrived to the age of twelve years and a day, and this through poverty. And if a man sells his daughter to be a female slave, she shall not go out as the male slaves do. If she does not please her master, who has betrothed her to himself, then he shall let her be redeemed.

He shall have no right to sell her to a foreign people, since he has dealt deceitfully with her. And if he has betrothed her to his son, he shall deal with her according to the custom of daughters. If he takes another wife, he shall not diminish her food, her clothing, and her marriage rights. And if he does not do these three for her, then she shall go out free, without paying money. The code also instructs that the woman was to be allowed to be redeemed [42] if the man broke his betrothal to her.

If a female slave was betrothed to the master's son, then she had to be treated as a normal daughter. If he took another wife, then he was required to continue supplying the same amounts of food, clothing, and conjugal rights to her. The betrothal clause seems to have provided an exception to the law of release in Deuteronomy cf. Jeremiah , in which both male and female Israelite servants were to be given release in the seventh year.

The penalty if an Israelite engaged in sexual activity with an unredeemed female slave who was betrothed was that of scourging , with Jewish tradition seeing this as only referring to the slave, [47] [48] versus Deuteronomy , where both parties were stoned, being free persons , as well as the man confessing his guilt and the priest making atonement for his sin. As for Israelite slaves, the Covenant Code allows them to voluntarily renounce their seventh-year manumission and become permanent slaves literally being slaves forever. The Holiness code of Leviticus explicitly allows participation in the slave trade , [55] with non-Israelite residents who had been sold into slavery being regarded as a type of property that could be inherited.

The Ten Commandments make clear that honouring the Shabbat was expected of slaves, not just their masters. Leviticus instructs that during the Sabbatical Year , slaves and their masters should eat food which the land yields, without being farmed. Unlike the other books, Leviticus does not mention the freeing of Israelite slaves after six years, instead simply giving the vague instruction that Israelite slaves should not to be compelled to work with rigour ; [60] Maimonides argues that this was to be interpreted as forbidding open-ended work such as keep doing that until I come back , and that disciplinary action was not to include instructing the slave to perform otherwise pointless work. A special case is that of the debtor who sells himself as a slave to his creditor; Leviticus instructs that in this situation, the debtor must not be made to do the work of slaves, but must instead be treated the same as a hired servant.

The earlier [34] [35] [36] Covenant Code provides a potentially more valuable and direct form of relief, namely a degree of protection for the slave's person their body and its health itself. This codification extends the basic lex talionis The Hittite laws and the Code of Hammurabi both insist that if a slave is harmed by a third party, the third party must financially compensate the owner. The murder of slaves by owners was prohibited in the Law covenant. The Covenant Code clearly institutes the death penalty for beating a free man to death; [68] in contrast, beating a slave to death was to be avenged only if the slave does not survive for one or two days after the beating. In a parallel with the shmita system the Covenant Code offers automatic manumission of male Israelite slaves after they have worked for six years; [71] this excludes non-Israelite slaves, and specifically excludes Israelite daughters, who were sold into slavery by their fathers, from such automatic seventh-year manumission.

Such were bought to be betrothed to the owner, or his son, and if that had not been done, they were to be allowed to be redeemed. If the marriage took place, they were to be set free if her husband was negligent in his basic marital obligations. The Deuteronomic Code also extends [74] the seventh-year manumission rule by instructing that Israelite slaves freed in this way should be given livestock, grain, and wine, as a parting gift; [75] the literal meaning of the verb used, at this point in the text, for giving this gift seems to be hang round the neck. According to Jeremiah —24 , Jeremiah also demanded that King Zedekiah manumit free all Israelite slaves Jeremiah Leviticus does not mention seventh-year manumission; instead it only instructs that debt-slaves, and Israelite slaves owned by foreign residents, should be freed during the national Jubilee [3] occurring either every 49 or every 50 years, depending on interpretation.

While many commentators see the Holiness Code regulations as supplementing the prior legislation mandating manumission in the seventh year, [78] [79] [80] the otherwise potentially long wait until the Jubilee was somewhat alleviated by the Holiness Code, with the instruction that slaves should be allowed to buy their freedom by paying an amount equal to the total wages of a hired servant over the entire period remaining until the next Jubilee this could be up to 49 years-worth of wages. Blood relatives of the slave were also allowed to buy the slave's freedom, and this became regarded as a duty to be carried out by the next of kin Hebrew: Go'el. In the Old Testament, the differences between male and female enslavement were vast.

Deuteronomic code applied mostly to men, while women were able to be subjected to a much different type of slavery that encompassed permanent, sexual enslavement. Deuteronomy and Exodus outline such a code in which women's slavery became more permanent by way of voluntary extension. This change in status would require a female debt slave to become a permanent fixture of the household: by way of marrying the father or the father's son. Deuteronomy states that the female slave must be treated as a daughter if such permanent status is to be established. According to the Jewish Encyclopedia , the slavery of Israelites was abolished by the prophets after the destruction of the Temple of Solomon. Slavery is mentioned numerous times in the New Testament.

The word "servant" is sometimes substituted for the word "slave" in English translations of the Bible. The Bible claims that Jesus healed the ill slave of a centurion [85] and restored the cut off ear of the high priest's slave. Jesus' view of slavery compares the relationship between God and humankind to that of a master and his slaves. Three instances where Jesus communicates this view include:. Matthew Jesus' Parable of the Unmerciful Servant , wherein Jesus compares the relationship between God and humankind to that of a master and his slaves. Jesus offers the story of a master selling a slave along with his wife and children.

Matthew A series of remarks wherein Jesus recognizes it is necessary to be a slave to be "first" among the deceased entering heaven. Matthew Jesus' Parable of the Faithful Servant, wherein Jesus again compares the relationship between God and humankind to that of a master and his slaves. In Paul's letters to the Ephesians, Paul motivates early Christian slaves to remain loyal and obedient to their masters like they are to Christ. The Epistle to Philemon has become an important text in regard to slavery; it was used by pro-slavery advocates as well as by abolitionists.

Philemon is requested to treat Onesimus as he would treat Paul. The prospect of manumission is an idea prevalent within the New Testament. In contrast to the Old Testament, the New Testament's criteria for manumission encompasses Roman laws on slavery as opposed to the shmita system. Manumission within the Roman system largely depends on the mode of enslavement: slaves were often foreigners, prisoners of war, or those heavily indebted. For foreign-born individuals, manumission was increasingly amorphous; however, if subject to debt slavery, manumission was much more concrete: freedom was granted once the debt was paid.

Children were often offered to creditors as a form of payment and their manumission was determined ab initio at the outset with the pater family head. If sold into sex slavery, the prospect of complete manumission became much less likely under the stipulations of Roman Law. Much like the stipulations of the Covenant Code, being sold into sexual slavery meant greater chance of perpetual servitude, by way of explicit enslavement or forced marriage. One of the first discussions of manumission in the New Testament can be seen in Paul's interaction with Philemon's slave Onesimus.

Onesimus was held captive with Paul, as he was a fugitive, run-away slave. Paul proceeds to baptize the slave Onesimus, and then writes to his owner, Philemon, telling him that he will pay whatever fee Onesimus owes for his fugitive status. Paul does not explicitly ask Philemon for Onesimus's manumission; however, the offer a "fee" for Onesimus's escape has been discussed as a possible latent form of manumission. Open slave systems allow for incorporation of freed slaves into society after manumission, while closed systems manumitted slaves still lack social agency or social integration.

In the time of the New Testament, there were three modes in which a slave could be manumitted by his or her master: a will could include a formal permission of manumission, a slave could be declared free during a census, or a slave and master could go before a provincial official. In 1 Corinthians , Paul encourages enslaved peoples to pursue manumission; however, this manumission could be connoted in the boundaries of a closed slave system in which manumission does not equate to complete freedom.

The parables present within the Gospels further complicate ideas of manumission. Christ vividly outlines the actions of dutiful slaves, but these dutiful actions never warrant a slave's manumission from his or her master. Jesus thus never explicitly states that slaves should be manumitted for being consistently dutiful, but he is, however, complicit in violence shown towards unruly slaves, as seen in Matthew's parable of the Unfaithful Slave. If the husband were free and the wife slave, the child of the union was a slave; vice versa, a slave father and free mother produced a free child. In language, we find in both the Old South and Brazil, that the Africans soon forgot their native dialects, and adopted the tongue of their new home, and their language did not materially influence that of their masters in America.

Religion was a vital factor in slave life. In the Old South, religion was at first discouraged among the slaves. There was a reason for this, for masters knew that nowhere in Christian teachings were there provisions for enslaving Christians. Beginning with the taboos of the deported tribal priest, and gradually becoming influenced by Christianity, the great Negro Church [27] grew. Sometimes the Negroes were allowed to worship under the same roof as their white superiors, [28] but they usually had to steal away to some secret place for this purpose. In Brazil, however, Christianization of the slaves was an essential.

Before the Negroes in Angola Portuguese West Africa embarked on the slave vessel for Brazil, they were baptized "en masse. Next, they had to learn the doctrines of the Church and the duties of the religion they were about to embrace. Slaves from the other parts of Africa were Christianized after a year following arrival, during which time they had to learn certain prayers. These brotherhoods had their own versions of the Virgin Mary and Our Lady of the Rosary had her hands and face painted black. Properly speaking, a true slave has no legal rights.

Perhaps the words privileges and permits are happier. At any rate, the obligations and restrictions in the Old South were far more stringent than those on the plantations and urban districts of Brazil. Privileges and restrictions for slaves in the South varied according to the laws of the States; wheras in Brazil the centralized colonial government tended to unify what slavery legislation there was. In both countries, theoretically, a master was liable for indiscriminately killing his slaves or for practising cruelty.

In practice, even the slightest defense of a maltreated slave was rarely heard before the magistrates, for no slave in the case of the South could bear witness against a white. In Brazil the ouvidor of the province was the one to punish the cruel master, but then, who would dare report? In the Old South it was possible under certain circumstances for the slave to buy his own freedom, that is, if the master was kindly disposed. In Brazil, it is commonly affirmed that the master was obliged to free his slave if the latter could furnish a sum equivalent to his market price.

Furthermore, Christie, British envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary in Brazil during the period of the American Civil War, in a letter to Earl Russell in June, , declares that no such law actually exists on the statute books of Brazil, as that the slave has the right to appear before a magistrate, have his price fixed and to purchase his freedom. Moreover, the Brazilian slave exercised some right to change masters. The master set a price upon his slave. Then the slave with a note, declaring the master's intentions, might seek out some neighboring planter with a good reputation, and if the desired new master decided to pay the price set, the old master, according to Luccock, [35] was obliged to sell the slave.

A slave could be and was manumitted in both the United States and Brazil. In Brazil manumission could be accomplished in the following ways: 1 the slave could purchase himself; 2 his master could liberate him during his life; 3 or he could manumit him at his death; 4 a Negro woman who had brought ten children into the world by virtue of her tenth became free; 5 also, the price of a new-born babe was so slight, that often the infant was purchased its freedom by friends. As for holding common ordinary citizen's rights, the Negro slave in both countries was out of consideration. In the Old South, for instance, a slave could be arrested, tried, and condemned with but one witness against him, and without a jury.

Professional slave runaway catchers might pounce upon a slave who was about his duty, imprison him, subject him to indignities, on the ground that he was a fugitive, and return him to his master, claiming money for their trouble. In such a sad case, no one would take the slave's part, none would believe his story. The privileges of the slave as to being secure against violent treatment, of securing his own freedom, of selecting another master, or of claiming any plain citizen's immunities whatsoever, then, were very slight in both Brazil and the United States, but even more so in our own Southland.

Naturally the most direct, impulsive, and simple method was escape. Hence, we are brought to compare the fugitive slave problem in Brazil to the same problem in the United States. In our own country the South had to combat an effective force which did not exist in Brazil, namely, the antagonism of an Anti-slavery North, which aided the Negroes by " underground railroads " to escape to free territory, or to cross the Canadian line, where slavery was prohibited.

The Dismal Swamp in Virginia , and the Everglades of Florida were favorite hiding places for fugitives. However, there was a trackless wilderness to which he might flee. Especially qualified runaway slave catchers were employed to trail such fugitives. The other method of resisting the institution of slavery was by organized risings. Riots and local revolts occurred occasionally in the Old South, but were never serious and were easily quelled.

The most noteworthy revolts of blacks in America were actually mere spouts. In the first half of the eighteenth century, for example, New York was thrown into hysteria at the rumors of a threatened Negro plot , [43] out of which nothing materialized. Gabriel's riot planned in Richmond , Virginia, in , ended very much like that in New York. Another incident was the attempt in of a certain Negro, Denmark Vesey , to start an insurrection at Charleston , which utterly failed.

Nat Turner , a religious fanatic, was the cause of the most serious uprising of all. In he organized a revolt in Virginia which cost the lives of several score of whites before it was quelled. Instead, the crew steered the vessel into a hospitable harbor, thus baffling its captors. The rising of the slaves of the Creole in somewhat the same manner was more romantic. All these pin pricks in the South are now to be contrasted to the serious organized risings of slaves in Brazil, eruptions which at times threatened the political control or integrity of a whole district or province.

In the United States the slave placidly submitted. In Brazil he was at periods actually class conscious. In Pernambuco, the Brazilian government was actually challenged by slave rebels. It was during the chaotic days of —, when the Dutch were in occupation of Pernambuco, and the Brazilians were at war with them, that hundreds of slaves fled to the interior, where they established an independent state, consisting of a cluster of fortified villages.

Establishing a rude form of administration and a primitive adaptation of Christianity, they actually governed themselves. After the Dutch had been fairly well beaten, the whites turned to make war upon the villages. For fifty years the villages held out, until in , Palmares , the last and most important of the fortresses, capitulated. Bahia lived in a perpetual fear of Negro uprising, and well were her fears grounded, for here the Negro was most assertive against his mistreatment. The population of Bahia in the first decade of the nineteenth century is estimated by Henderson as being in the neighborhood of ,, two thirds of which was slave. Once let the slave get a start and with such odds in his favor the masters had best beware.

For this reason, slaves were prevented as much as possible from organizing. No bondman might go on the streets of Bahia after evening vespers, save with a pass from his master. A short time after this episode, matters came to a culmination. As was usual at the holiday time, slaves congregated in plazas, chose a chief for the day, to whom they did homage. This was a customary feat, tolerated by the authorities of the city. On this particular occasion, a friend of Henderson noticed that a white man was being hanged in effigy. He sniffed trouble.

Only a few months later the Bahian authorities were lucky, by timely arrests, to save the whole population from being massacred by the enraged slaves in an impending insurrection, whose purpose was nothing less than the wholesale slaughter of the entire white population of the city, with the exception of the governor, D'Arcos, whom the insurrectos were to raise as their prince. Already they had murdered many whites in the outskirts of the city. Thus, in the Old South, flight was the leading form of resistance to the institution of slavery; whereas in Brazil the more effective form of resistance by organized uprising was more frequently attempted. Before concluding the theme, it is imperative that we hurriedly skim over the saddest and most serious by-product of United States slavery, race prejudice.

We are familiar enough with the limitations of the men of color in the South today. In the days of slavery, discriminations were just as severe, if not more so, against any man of black skin, whether slave, mulatto, freedman, quadroon , or octoroon. The slightest strain of black in a man's pedigree made him a "nigger. Otherwise he had virtually no rights. He could not vote, marry a white, hold office, give testimony in case of a white man on trial, and for militia services was limited to fatigue duty.

In Portuguese America it is often said that the race problem has been allowed to solve itself, which is largely true. The slave in Brazil was looked down upon as a menial laborer, rather than as an offshoot of a lower race. Marriages between the lower classes of either race were not scorned by society. Inter-racial marriages were legal, Brazilian society favoring the marriage of the higher type of the white to the lighter type of Negroid. Of course, among the highest class of the land, the wealthy planters and officials, unions with persons of non-genuine white ancestry were not relished.

Here and there existed race prejudice in mild form. Mulattoes who were free were ranked above freedmen of pure ancestry. The former were generally considered as white, for as a rule in Brazil a man passed as white if he contained a fair degree of white blood in his veins. These free mulattoes had a regiment of their own with their own officers, as was the case with the blacks. Many wealthy planters at Pernambuco were men of color. Many of the Creole blacks in this region were mechanics, who sent out their slaves to do odd mechanical jobs for the owner's profit. The best church and image painter at Pernambuco was black. One of three commanders of the Brazilian forces against the Dutch in the seventeenth century was Henrique Diaz , a Negro.

All told, race prejudice, as a vast problem, was a peculiar complement of the Anglo-Saxon new world colonies' slave problem, for in virtually no other country has slavery ever so viciously contributed to race discord. Brazil, then, may pride herself upon emerging from a slave sustained society, free from the sores of a hideous race conflict. On the other hand, the United States slave system was probably more efficient, for the inefficiency of the management of the plantations of sugar in Brazil allowed the West Indies in the eighteenth century to take the lead in the sugar, rum, and molasses exports.

The United States, under the slave system, secured pre-eminence in the production of the world's greatest textile staple, cotton. It is to be regretted, of course, that slavery has persisted so long, and still thrives in certain Mohammedan lands. It stands today outlawed in the new world, but it will always be a source of regret to progressive citizens of the United States that their country clung to the institution up to within the memory of many yet living, and that she did not relax her tight grasp upon the slave until forced to immediate action in the stress of a fratricidal war.

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